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Plans to let first-home buyers purchase a property with a smaller deposit won't be a silver bullet, the housing minister concedes, with federal parliament set to pass the reforms. Login or signup to continue reading Labor's Help to Buy and Build to Rent schemes will become law after the Greens agreed to wave the proposals through parliament following months of debate. The Help to Buy scheme is a shared equity program that will allow 10,000 first-home buyers each year to purchase a house with a contribution from the government. Housing Minister Clare O'Neil welcomed the end of the political stalemate on the reforms, but said the laws wouldn't immediately fix problems in the sector. "This is not a silver bullet, and it was never meant to be," she told Nine's Today program on Tuesday. "The truth is we've had a generations-in-the-making housing crisis in our country that's been building for more than 30 years and it requires our government to do lots of things differently. "We're trying to build many more homes in our country. We're trying to get a better deal for renters. We're trying to get more Australians into home ownership. It's a big, complex program, and it's going to take some time." Greens Leader Adam Bandt denied the delay by his party in agreeing to the two housing bills had kept first-home buyers out of the market. "For over the last two months, we pushed them to to go further and do what's needed to really tackle the housing crisis. They've said no," he told ABC TV. "The question that people will ask is, with all of the government's legislation passed, why is it that it's the case that we still have a housing crisis in this country?" Greens housing spokesman Max Chandler-Mather said the party had agreed to pass the reforms in order to set sites on action for renters at the next election, which is due by May. He said the minor party had not capitulated by backing the housing reforms after months of heated debate. "There comes a point where you've pushed as far as you can, and you know, we really tried to get the government to act on soaring rents, on phasing our negative gearing," he told ABC radio. "I haven't lost hope, because I think we can go to the next election with those policies, and I think we can push Labor after that." It comes as opposition housing spokesman Michael Sukkar prepares to speak at the National Press Club on Tuesday. The opposition will argue banking regulation has made it harder for first-home buyers to secure a loan. The coalition has been angling to weaken "responsible lending" obligations imposed on banks after the global financial crisis that it believes are too cumbersome and create barriers for first-time buyers. "If there's one message I want Australians to take away from my remarks today, it's that the coalition will not accept a generation of Australians not having the same opportunities that previous generations have enjoyed for home ownership," Mr Sukkar will say. Australian Associated Press DAILY Today's top stories curated by our news team. Also includes evening update. WEEKDAYS Grab a quick bite of today's latest news from around the region and the nation. WEEKLY The latest news, results & expert analysis. WEEKDAYS Catch up on the news of the day and unwind with great reading for your evening. WEEKLY Get the editor's insights: what's happening & why it matters. WEEKLY Love footy? We've got all the action covered. WEEKLY Every Saturday and Tuesday, explore destinations deals, tips & travel writing to transport you around the globe. WEEKLY Get the latest property and development news here. WEEKLY Going out or staying in? Find out what's on. WEEKDAYS Sharp. Close to the ground. Digging deep. Your weekday morning newsletter on national affairs, politics and more. WEEKLY Follow the Newcastle Knights in the NRL? Don't miss your weekly Knights update. TWICE WEEKLY Your essential national news digest: all the big issues on Wednesday and great reading every Saturday. WEEKLY Get news, reviews and expert insights every Thursday from CarExpert, ACM's exclusive motoring partner. TWICE WEEKLY Get real, Australia! Let the ACM network's editors and journalists bring you news and views from all over. AS IT HAPPENS Be the first to know when news breaks. DAILY Your digital replica of Today's Paper. Ready to read from 5am! DAILY Test your skills with interactive crosswords, sudoku & trivia. Fresh daily!AT THE QUARTER MARK: Ottawa Senators remain confident
Published 4:39 pm Saturday, November 23, 2024 By topofthemorning “With strict propriety of language, we might call the awful catastrophe about to be particularized, a massacre, a wholesale assassination, or anything else but an accident. In some instances, and this is one of them, a reckless disregard of human life, when it leads to a fatal result, can claim no distinction, on any correct principle of law or justice, from willful and premeditated murder.” These are the words from Lloyd’s Steamboat Directory in 1856 describing the sinking of the steamboat Monmouth 19 years earlier. In the 1830s, some 18,000 Muscogee Creek Indians were forcibly moved from Georgia and Alabama to new western lands in present-day Oklahoma. A group of 1,600 Muscogee Creeks marched in the summer of 1837 to Mobile Point, Alabama and later to Pass Christian, Mississippi. A yellow fever epidemic killed more than 100 of those Indians while they waited at the two posts. When the time came in the fall to move the survivors to the territory in the West, the U.S. Army contracted three steamboats: John Newton, Yazoo, and Monmouth. The Indians were put aboard to start their journey up the Mississippi on the night of October 27, 1837, which was the Eve of All Saints. The Monmouth was a small steamer weighing 135 tons. Her human cargo, it was said, was crammed onto the boat without regard to comfort or safety. About 700 Creeks managed to get aboard. The ship didn’t make it to its destination, nor did the over 400 Muscogee Creek Indians. The Trail of Tears, in this case, was by water, not land. At the monthly meeting of the Natchez Historical Society, Tuesday, November 26, Ms. Yvonne Lewis Day will present “Who Will Sing My Name? The Loss of the Steamboat Monmouth.” She will illuminate the causes of the calamitous sinking of the steamboat, just north of Baton Rouge, Louisiana, and the tragic deaths of the Muscogee/Creek Indians who were aboard. Said Ms. Day, “The wreck of the steamboat Monmouth is a tale of mystery, intrigue, and shame. The loss of 400 lives on that fateful night was the greatest death toll in a single incident on the Mississippi until the final days of the Civil War. Though my research has added new information, the story of the Monmouth remains without a final chapter, as of yet.” Her well-researched program is a poignant account of the collision and loss of the steamboat Monmouth and has received recognition from representatives of the Muscogee Creek Nation. A recognized authority in several fields, Ms. Day is a local historian, genealogist, and a prolific writer and editor of works in the scientific and academic fields. She has been a keynote speaker or workshop leader at more than 900 local, state, national, and international conferences. Day is a native of New Orleans. She holds a bachelor’s degree in journalism from Louisiana State University, where she pursued graduate studies in linguistics. She is past president of the Baton Rouge and Louisiana genealogical and historical societies. She has been a Distinguished Speaker at the Old Governor’s Mansion (Louisiana) and keynote speaker at the Cabildo, Louisiana State Archives, Save Our Cemeteries, and Historic New Orleans Collection. In 2015, she received the Good Citizenship Medal from the Sons of the American Revolution. The Natchez Historical Society’s meeting will occur at the Historic Natchez Foundation, 108 S. Commerce St., in Natchez. The program will begin with a social at 5:30 p.m., with the presentation at 6 p.m. All are invited, members and non-members alike, and attendance is free. The Natchez Historical Society’s programming is funded by a grant from the Mississippi Humanities Council through funding by the National Endowment for the Humanities. For more information, call 281-731-4433 or 601-492-3004 or send email to info@natchezhistoricalsociety.org DAYE DEARING is a trustee of the Natchez Historical Society and chair of programming.2 Held In Jabalpur With ₹7.5 Lakh Worth Of Illegal Drugs, Police Uncover Narcotics Operation
WASHINGTON (AP) — As a former and potentially future president, Donald Trump hailed what would become Project 2025 as a road map for “exactly what our movement will do” with another crack at the White House. As the blueprint for a hard-right turn in America became a liability during the 2024 campaign, Trump pulled an about-face . He denied knowing anything about the “ridiculous and abysmal” plans written in part by his first-term aides and allies. Javascript is required for you to be able to read premium content. Please enable it in your browser settings. Get any of our free email newsletters — news headlines, obituaries, sports, and more.
None“Gladiator II” asks the question: Are you not moderately entertained for roughly 60% of this sequel? Truly, this is a movie dependent on managed expectations and a forgiving attitude toward its tendency to overserve. More of a thrash-and-burn schlock epic than the comparatively restrained 2000 “Gladiator,” also directed by Ridley Scott, the new one recycles a fair bit of the old one’s narrative cries for freedom while tossing in some digital sharks for the flooded Colosseum and a bout of deadly sea-battle theatrics. They really did flood the Colosseum in those days, though no historical evidence suggests shark deployment, real or digital. On the other hand (checks notes), “Gladiator II” is fiction. Screenwriter David Scarpa picks things up 16 years after “Gladiator,” which gave us the noble death of the noble warrior Maximus, shortly after slaying the ignoble emperor and returning Rome to the control of the Senate. Our new hero, Lucius (Paul Mescal), has fled Rome for Numidia, on the North African coast. The time is 200 A.D., and for the corrupt, party-time twins running the empire (Joseph Quinn and Fred Hechinger), that means invasion time. Pedro Pascal takes the role of Acacius, the deeply conflicted general, sick of war and tired of taking orders from a pair of depraved ferrets. The new film winds around the old one this way: Acacius is married to Lucilla (Connie Nielsen, in a welcome return), daughter of the now-deceased emperor Aurelius and the love of the late Maximus’s life. Enslaved and dragged to Rome to gladiate, the widower Lucius vows revenge on the general whose armies killed his wife. But there are things this angry young phenom must learn, about his ancestry and his destiny. It’s the movie’s worst-kept secret, but there’s a reason he keeps seeing footage of Russell Crowe from the first movie in his fever dreams. Battle follows battle, on the field, in the arena, in the nearest river, wherever, and usually with endless splurches of computer-generated blood. “Gladiator II” essentially bumper-cars its way through the mayhem, pausing for long periods of expository scheming about overthrowing the current regime. The prince of all fixers, a wily operative with interests in both managing gladiators and stocking munitions, goes by the name Macrinus. He’s played by Denzel Washington, who at one point makes a full meal out of pronouncing the word “politics” like it’s a poisoned fig. Also, if you want a masterclass in letting your robes do a lot of your acting for you, watch what Washington does here. He’s more fun than the movie but you can’t have everything. The movie tries everything, all right, and twice. Ridley Scott marshals the chaotic action sequences well enough, though he’s undercut by frenetic cutting rhythms, with that now-familiar, slightly sped-up visual acceleration in frequent use. (Claire Simpson and Sam Restivo are the editors.) Mescal acquits himself well in his first big-budget commercial walloper of an assignment, confined though he is to a narrower range of seething resentments than Crowe’s in the first film. I left thinking about two things: the word “politics” as savored/spit out by Washington, and the innate paradox of how Scott, whose best work over the decades has been wonderful, delivers spectacle. The director and his lavishly talented design team built all the rough-hewn sets with actual tangible materials the massive budget allowed. They took care to find the right locations in Morocco and Malta. Yet when combined in post-production with scads of medium-grade digital effects work in crowd scenes and the like, never mind the sharks, the movie’s a somewhat frustrating amalgam. With an uneven script on top of it, the visual texture of “Gladiator II” grows increasingly less enveloping and atmospherically persuasive, not more. But I hung there, for some of the acting, for some of the callbacks, and for the many individual moments, or single shots, that could only have come from Ridley Scott. And in the end, yes, you too may be moderately entertained. Related Articles MPA rating: R (for strong bloody violence) Running time: 2:28 How to watch: Premieres in theaters Nov. 21.
WASHINGTON — Special counsel Jack Smith moved to abandon two criminal cases against Donald Trump on Monday, acknowledging that Trump’s return to the White House will preclude attempts to federally prosecute him for retaining classified documents or trying to overturn his 2020 election loss. The decision was inevitable, since long-standing Justice Department policy says sitting presidents cannot face criminal prosecution. Yet it was still a momentous finale to an unprecedented chapter in political and law enforcement history, as federal officials attempted to hold a former president accountable while he ran for another term. Trump emerges indisputably victorious, having successfully delayed the investigations through legal maneuvers and then winning re-election despite indictments that described his actions as a threat to the country’s constitutional foundations. In court filings, Smith’s team emphasized that the move to end their prosecutions was not a reflection of the merit of the cases but a recognition of the legal shield that surrounds any commander in chief. “That prohibition is categorical and does not turn on the gravity of the crimes charged, the strength of the Government’s proof, or the merits of the prosecution, which the Government stands fully behind,” prosecutors said in one of their filings. They wrote that Trump’s return to the White House “sets at odds two fundamental and compelling national interests: on the one hand, the Constitution’s requirement that the President must not be unduly encumbered in fulfilling his weighty responsibilities ... and on the other hand, the Nation’s commitment to the rule of law.” In this situation, “the Constitution requires that this case be dismissed before the defendant is inaugurated,” they concluded. Smith’s team said it left intact charges against two co-defendants in the classified documents case — Trump valet Walt Nauta and Mar-a-Lago property manager Carlos De Oliveira — because “no principle of temporary immunity applies to them.” The election case brought last year was once seen as one of the most serious legal threats facing Trump as he tried to reclaim the White House. He was indicted for plotting to overturn his loss to Joe Biden in 2020, an effort that climaxed with his supporters’ violent attack on the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021. But the case quickly stalled amid legal fighting over Trump’s sweeping claims of immunity from prosecution for acts he took while in the White House. The U.S. Supreme Court in July ruled for the first time that former presidents have broad immunity from prosecution, and sent the case back to U.S. District Judge Tanya Chutkan to determine which allegations in the indictment, if any, could proceed to trial. The case was just beginning to pick up steam again in the trial court in the weeks leading up to this year’s election. Smith’s team in October filed a lengthy brief laying out new evidence they planned to use against him at trial, accusing him of “resorting to crimes” in an increasingly desperate effort to overturn the will of voters after he lost to Biden. In dismissing the case, Chutkan acknowledged prosecutors’ request to do so “without prejudice,” raising the possibility that they could try to bring charges against Trump when his term is over. She wrote that is “consistent with the Government’s understanding that the immunity afforded to a sitting President is temporary, expiring when they leave office.” But such a move may be barred by the statute of limitations, and Trump may also try to pardon himself while in office. The separate case involving classified documents was widely seen as legally clear cut, especially because the conduct in question occurred after Trump left the White House. The indictment included dozens of felony counts accusing him of illegally hoarding classified records from his presidency at his Mar-a-Lago estate in Palm Beach, Florida, and obstructing federal efforts to get them back. He pleaded not guilty and denied wrongdoing. The case quickly became snarled by delays, with U.S. District Judge Aileen Cannon slow to issue rulings — which favored Trump’s strategy of pushing off deadlines in all his criminal cases — while also entertaining defense motions and arguments that experts said other judges would have dispensed with without hearings. In May, she indefinitely canceled the trial date amid a series of unresolved legal issues before dismissing the case outright two months later. Trump faced two other state prosecutions while running for president. One them, a New York case involving hush money payments, resulted in a conviction on dozens of felony charges of falsifying business records. It was the first time a former president was found guilty of a crime. The sentencing in that case is on hold as Trump’s lawyers try to have the conviction dismissed before he takes office, arguing that letting the verdict stand will interfere with his presidential transition and duties. Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg’s office is fighting the dismissal but indicated that it would be open to delaying sentencing until Trump leaves office. Bragg, a Democrat, said the solution needs to balance the obligations of the presidency with “the sanctity of the jury verdict.” Trump was also indicted in Georgia along with 18 others accused of participating in a sprawling scheme to illegally overturn the 2020 presidential election there. A trial in that case appears unlikely while Trump holds office. The prosecution already was on hold after an appeals court agreed to review whether to remove Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis over her romantic relationship with the special prosecutor she hired to lead the case. Four defendants have pleaded guilty after reaching deals with prosecutors. Trump and the others pleaded not guilty. Get local news delivered to your inbox!Options Medical Weight Loss Brings State-of-the-Art Clinics to Philadelphia Metro AreaThe Mahayuti alliance’s landslide victory in Maharashtra’s assembly elections revealed a dramatic reshaping of the state’s political landscape, with traditional bastions falling and new power centres emerging across regions. Overall, ruling Mahayuti alliance of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena and the Ajit Pawar faction Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) won 235 of 288 seats, crushing opposition coalition Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) to be left with a joint tally at 50. In Marathwada, where the Mahayuti alliance had lost seven of eight Lok Sabha seats just six months ago, it staged a dramatic turnaround by winning 41 of 46 assembly seats. The BJP claimed 19 of 20 seats contested, Shiv Sena won 13 of 16, and Ajit Pawar’s NCP secured 8 of 9. The dramatic shift in fortunes was attributed to multiple factors, most notably the changing dynamics of the Maratha reservation issue. While Maratha quota activist Manoj Jarange-Patil’s agitation had significantly damaged the Mahayuti in the Lok Sabha polls, his reduced influence in the assembly elections worked to the alliance’s advantage. “The Jarange-Patil factor did not work this election because of his flip flop over the political stand. He backtracked on his resolve to contest the Assembly elections at the last moment when dozens of community members had filed their nominations. This dented his credibility resulting in Maratha voters going back to Mahayuti,” explained Nanded-based political analyst Santosh Kulkarni. The BJP’s recovery strategy involved careful social engineering. “There are pockets of RSS influence in many Marathwada districts including Latur, Osmanabad, Nanded. Religious gurus from various parts of the state and their outfits were involved in the drive undertaken to polarise Hindu voters,” revealed a BJP leader from Latur, speaking on condition of anonymity. The alliance’s systematic galvanisation of the OBC vote bank, coupled with increased outreach through government schemes, proved particularly effective. As Kulkarni noted, “The ruling alliance polarised OBCs and other backward classes in its favour helping it to win most of the seats.” However, amid this victory, the Mahayuti faced a symbolic setback in the simultaneous Nanded Lok Sabha bypoll, where Congress’s Ravindra Chavan defeated BJP’s Santuk Hambarde by 1,457 votes, largely attributed to sympathy following the death of Chavan’s father Vasantrao. In Vidarbha, the BJP’s resurgence was particularly striking. After suffering setbacks in the Lok Sabha polls, the party bounced back to win 39 of 62 seats. Its Mahayuti alliance partners picked up 10 more. The Congress, which once dominated this agrarian region, managed just eight seats—a sharp decline from its 2019 tally of 15. Deputy chief minister Devendra Fadnavis secured his sixth term in Nagpur South-West, defeating Congress’s Praful Gudadhe-Patil by 39,710 votes. In a dramatic contest in Sakoli, state Congress chief Nana Patole, a top contender for the CM’s post in MVA, barely scraped through with a margin of just 208 votes. In the Konkan belt and Mumbai Metropolitan Region (MMR), the collapse of the Thackeray family’s decades-old dominance was stark. Out of 39 seats, the Uddhav Thackeray-led Shiv Sena (UBT) managed to win just one seat, while the ruling alliance swept 35. The Mahayuti’s success here was attributed to the RSS’s strong grassroots network and CM Eknath Shinde’s deep local connections. In the Mira Bhayander constituency, BJP’s Narendra Mehta defeated Congress’s Muazaffar Hussain by an impressive margin of over 144,000 votes. In Palghar district, where the Bahujan Vikas Aghadi lost all its seats despite having three sitting MLAs, party chief Hitendra Thakur could only say, “God alone knows what went wrong.” Western Maharashtra, once a Congress-NCP (undivided NCP that was then led by Sharad Pawar, now an MVA member) stronghold, saw an equally dramatic power shift. The Mahayuti captured 53 out of 70 seats, while the MVA managed only 12. “We had not anticipated such a strong wave in our favour even though we were confident of victory,” said NCP president Ajit Pawar. The region witnessed some of the election’s most significant upheavals, including BJP’s Shivendraraje Bhosale winning Satara by one of the state’s highest margins - 142,124 votes. The Mahayuti won all 10 seats in Kolhapur district. North Maharashtra presented another compelling sign of political realignment. After losing four of six Lok Sabha seats to MVA earlier this year in this region, the Mahayuti bounced back decisively. The alliance’s victory here was particularly notable for ending several long-standing Congress strongholds. In Sangamner and Akkalkuwa, Congress veterans Balasaheb Thorat and KC Padavi, who had held their seats since 1985 and 1990 respectively, faced defeat. In another significant battle, NCP’s Chhagan Bhujbal retained Yevla, though his winning margin halved from 2019 to 26,400 votes, despite campaigns targeting him by both Maratha reservation activist Manoj Jarange-Patil and NCP founder Sharad Pawar. In Sindhudurg, where the undivided Sena’s influence had waned after Narayan Rane’s 2005 departure, the Mahayuti won all three seats. The Rane family saw particular success, with Nilesh Rane defeating two-time Shiv Sena (UBT) MLA Vaibhav Naik in Kudal, while his brother Nitesh won Kankavli on a BJP ticket. In Jalgaon district, the ruling alliance achieved a clean sweep of all 11 seats. Nashik too saw complete Mahayuti dominance, with Ajit Pawar’s NCP securing seven out of the 14 seats won by the alliance. Even in Navi Mumbai, traditionally dominated by the Naik family, the contest was incredibly close - BJP’s Manda Mhatre defeated NCP (SP)’s Sandeep Naik by just 377 votes in Belapur.
NEW YORK — Boogie Fland scored 20 points as Arkansas stormed back from a 15-point deficit, withstood a late comeback attempt and hung on for an 89-87 victory over No. 14 Michigan on Tuesday night in the Jimmy V Classic at Madison Square Garden. D.J. Wagner added 16 points for the Razorbacks (8-2), who went without a basket for the final 3:01 and nearly blew an 18-point lead. Trevon Brazile added 15 points and a key block on Vladislav Goldin with 14 seconds left. Goldin scored 17 for Michigan (8-2), which had won seven straight games and was trying to match last season's win total already. Danny Wolf added 14 points, while Will Tschetter and Roddy Gayle Jr. contributed 13 apiece. After cutting a 15-point deficit to 49-45 by halftime, the Razorbacks took an 18-point lead midway through the second period before allowing a 16-2 run. Michigan pulled to 88-87 on a basket by Wolf with 88 seconds left but did not score again. Takeaways Michigan: The Wolverines shot 57.6% but were extremely streaky. Besides hitting 11 in a row to get the big lead in the first half, they also made seven straight to chip away at the 18-point deficit. Arkansas: Depth showed up for the Razorbacks, who had five players score in double figures. Key moment With a chance at tying the game, Johnell Davis contested Gayle’s jumper right before the buzzer well to prevent overtime. Michigan forward Will Tschetter (42), right, high fives center Danny Wolf (1), left, during the first half of an NCAA college basketball game against Arkansas, Tuesday, Dec. 10, 2024, in New York. Credit: AP/Julia Demaree Nikhinson Key stat Arkansas scored 69 points either in the paint or behind the 3-point line. Up next The Wolverines face No. 13 Oklahoma on Dec. 18 in Charlotte. Arkansas hosts Central Arkansas on Saturday.SAN FRANCISCO, Nov. 24, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- The price of iLearningEngines (NASDAQ: AILE) shares crashed over 30% lower on November 18, 2024 after announcing that (i) the company had placed CFO S. Farhan Naqvi on administrative leave effective immediately, (ii) its outside auditor had withdrawn its prior opinions, (iii) investors should no longer rely on previously-filed financial statements, and (iv) the SEC had subpoenaed the company seeking various documents and information. The company’s recent announcement follows a scathing report from a renowned activist short seller that cast doubt on the financial health and business model of iLearningEngines and gave rise to an investor class action. Hagens Berman urges iLearningEngines investors who suffered substantial losses to submit your losses now . Class Period: Apr. 22, 2024 – Aug. 28, 2024 Lead Plaintiff Deadline: Dec. 6, 2024 Visit: www.hbsslaw.com/investor-fraud/aile Contact the Firm Now: AILE@hbsslaw.com 844-916-0895 Securities Class Action Against iLearningEngines: The pending litigation focuses on the propriety of iLearningEngines’ disclosures about, among other matters, the source and veracity of its revenues and expenses and its relationship with an entity the company has called its “Technology Partner.” The complaint alleges that iLearningEngines made false and misleading statements and failed to disclose that: (1) the “Technology Partner” was in fact a related party; (2) the company used the “Technology Partner” to report largely fake revenues and expenses; and (3) as a result of the foregoing, the company significantly overstated its revenue. Investors began to learn the truth on August 29, 2024, when Hindenburg Research published a report accusing the AI-powered learning automation company of fabricating revenue and engaging in questionable accounting practices. Among other things, Hindenburg alleged that a significant portion of the company’s revenues and expenses are routed through an undisclosed related party (Experion Technologies), the company lied to the SEC abut its relationship with Experion, and the company artificially inflated its revenues. In response, the price of iLearningEngines shares plummeted by over 50% that day. After Hindenburg’s report and the lawsuit was filed, another shoe dropped on November 18, 2024, when iLearningEngines filed its current report on Form 8-K. The company announced that it placed its CFO on administrative leave and that the SEC issued a subpoena to the company seeking certain documents and information. The company also announced that its outside auditor (Marcum) withdrew its prior audit opinions and that all or virtually all of its financial statements filed in connection with its SPAC merger, which closed on April 16, 2024, should not be relied on. In response, the price of iLearningEngines crashed over 30% that day. Prominent shareholder rights firm Hagens Berman has launched an investigation into the matter. “Investors who relied on iLearningEngines’ alleged misleading statements and omissions may have suffered significant financial losses,” said Reed Kathrein, the Hagens Berman partner leading the investigation. If you invested in iLearningEngines and have substantial losses, or have knowledge that may assist the firm’s investigation, submit your losses now » If you’d like more information and answers to frequently asked questions about the iLearningEngines case and our investigation, read more » Whistleblowers: Persons with non-public information regarding iLearningEngines should consider their options to help in the investigation or take advantage of the SEC Whistleblower program. Under the new program, whistleblowers who provide original information may receive rewards totaling up to 30 percent of any successful recovery made by the SEC. For more information, call Reed Kathrein at 844-916-0895 or email AILE@hbsslaw.com . About Hagens Berman Hagens Berman is a global plaintiffs’ rights complex litigation firm focusing on corporate accountability. The firm is home to a robust practice and represents investors as well as whistleblowers, workers, consumers and others in cases achieving real results for those harmed by corporate negligence and other wrongdoings. Hagens Berman’s team has secured more than $2.9 billion in this area of law. More about the firm and its successes can be found at hbsslaw.com . Follow the firm for updates and news at @ClassActionLaw . Contact: Reed Kathrein, 844-916-0895
“Gladiator II” asks the question: Are you not moderately entertained for roughly 60% of this sequel? Truly, this is a movie dependent on managed expectations and a forgiving attitude toward its tendency to overserve. More of a thrash-and-burn schlock epic than the comparatively restrained 2000 “Gladiator,” also directed by Ridley Scott, the new one recycles a fair bit of the old one’s narrative cries for freedom while tossing in some digital sharks for the flooded Colosseum and a bout of deadly sea-battle theatrics. They really did flood the Colosseum in those days, though no historical evidence suggests shark deployment, real or digital. On the other hand (checks notes), “Gladiator II” is fiction. Screenwriter David Scarpa picks things up 16 years after “Gladiator,” which gave us the noble death of the noble warrior Maximus, shortly after slaying the ignoble emperor and returning Rome to the control of the Senate. Our new hero, Lucius (Paul Mescal), has fled Rome for Numidia, on the North African coast. The time is 200 A.D., and for the corrupt, party-time twins running the empire (Joseph Quinn and Fred Hechinger), that means invasion time. Pedro Pascal takes the role of Acacius, the deeply conflicted general, sick of war and tired of taking orders from a pair of depraved ferrets. The new film winds around the old one this way: Acacius is married to Lucilla (Connie Nielsen, in a welcome return), daughter of the now-deceased emperor Aurelius and the love of the late Maximus’s life. Enslaved and dragged to Rome to gladiate, the widower Lucius vows revenge on the general whose armies killed his wife. But there are things this angry young phenom must learn, about his ancestry and his destiny. It’s the movie’s worst-kept secret, but there’s a reason he keeps seeing footage of Russell Crowe from the first movie in his fever dreams. Battle follows battle, on the field, in the arena, in the nearest river, wherever, and usually with endless splurches of computer-generated blood. “Gladiator II” essentially bumper-cars its way through the mayhem, pausing for long periods of expository scheming about overthrowing the current regime. The prince of all fixers, a wily operative with interests in both managing gladiators and stocking munitions, goes by the name Macrinus. He’s played by Denzel Washington, who at one point makes a full meal out of pronouncing the word “politics” like it’s a poisoned fig. Also, if you want a masterclass in letting your robes do a lot of your acting for you, watch what Washington does here. He’s more fun than the movie but you can’t have everything. The movie tries everything, all right, and twice. Ridley Scott marshals the chaotic action sequences well enough, though he’s undercut by frenetic cutting rhythms, with that now-familiar, slightly sped-up visual acceleration in frequent use. (Claire Simpson and Sam Restivo are the editors.) Mescal acquits himself well in his first big-budget commercial walloper of an assignment, confined though he is to a narrower range of seething resentments than Crowe’s in the first film. I left thinking about two things: the word “politics” as savored/spit out by Washington, and the innate paradox of how Scott, whose best work over the decades has been wonderful, delivers spectacle. The director and his lavishly talented design team built all the rough-hewn sets with actual tangible materials the massive budget allowed. They took care to find the right locations in Morocco and Malta. Yet when combined in post-production with scads of medium-grade digital effects work in crowd scenes and the like, never mind the sharks, the movie’s a somewhat frustrating amalgam. With an uneven script on top of it, the visual texture of “Gladiator II” grows increasingly less enveloping and atmospherically persuasive, not more. But I hung there, for some of the acting, for some of the callbacks, and for the many individual moments, or single shots, that could only have come from Ridley Scott. And in the end, yes, you too may be moderately entertained. “Gladiator II” — 2.5 stars (out of 4) MPA rating: R (for strong bloody violence) Running time: 2:28 How to watch: Premieres in theaters Nov. 21. Michael Phillips is a Tribune critic.No. 16 CU Buffs at Kansas: 3 takeaways from Colorado’s disappointing road loss at Arrowhead Stadium
Ravens waive S Eddie Jackson amid latest turmoil for secondary
Big second half lifts Greyhounds over River HawksWith just two weeks remaining in the college football regular season, post-win social media trolls kept coming as teams look to enter the postseason -- or start the offseason -- on a high. Editor's Picks 'Just getting started': Gators knock off Rebels 15m 'Run, Forrest, run!': How good a football player was Forrest Gump, really? 1d Ryan McGee After flirting with a couple of potential upset wins earlier in the season, the Florida Gators notched two straight such wins in the Swamp. This Saturday's victim was the Ole Miss Rebels , who saw their playoff hopes crumble with the defeat. The Gators picked off Ole Miss quarterback Jaxson Dart twice in the game's final two minutes to secure the victory. The Rebels entered their trip to Gainesville ranked No. 9 in the College Football Playoff committee's most recent rankings. Florida's social media team paid homage to that fact with an edited scene from High School Musical 2. The Gators also obtained possession of Ole Miss' basketball hoop and dunked on it on the sidelines postgame. pic.twitter.com/imGbatwkxZ Here's a look at some of the best postgame jabs from Week 13 of the college football season. Ohio State 38, Indiana 15 The Ohio State Buckeyes mitigated an early Indiana Hoosiers score and cruised to an ultimately comfortable win in a game with major College Football Playoff and Big Ten standings stakes. The Buckeyes' defense ran wild as Ohio State separated, finishing the day with 5 sacks and 8 tackles for loss as a unit. After the game, the Buckeyes took a jab at Hoosiers coach Curt Cignetti's "Google me" quip from the offseason with a clever caption, emphasizing the letter 'L.' GoogLed It. #GoBucks pic.twitter.com/JCpi2rwVf6 Central Michigan 16, Western Michigan 14 A low scoring affair saw the Central Michigan Chippewas take home their first rivalry triumph against the Western Michigan Broncos since 2021. Central Michigan held the visiting Broncos to just 184 yards of total offense in the victory. After the final whistle, the Chippewas trolled their rivals with a postgame graphic showing a drive back to Kalamazoo, Michigan, home of Western Michigan's campus. Trailing the vehicle are newspapers featuring the headline "MISSING" and "FOUND" above an image of the Victory Cannon Trophy, the hardware the two rivals play for every year. BACK WHERE IT BELONGS!!! #FireUpChips 🔥⬆️🏈 pic.twitter.com/ejJgBXXwsu Miami (Ohio) 20, Northern Illinois 9 The Miami (Ohio) RedHawks kept rolling in MAC play on Tuesday, dispatching the Northern Illinois Huskies 20-9 to move to 6-1 in conference play after starting the season just 1-4 overall. The victory helped the RedHawks keep pace atop the MAC standings. Miami (Ohio) opted for a postgame jab at their opponent's Huskie mascot, using a caption referencing a dog house. put em in the dog house 🔥 #RiseUpRedHawks | 🎓🏆 pic.twitter.com/GNX1QTFHf2
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Lindsey Vonn returns to racing for the first time in almost six yearsA YOUNG ULSTER side dug deep to grind out a fully-deserved interpro win in Galway, a 10-point victory over Connacht ending a five-game losing streak for Richie Murphy’s side and marking their first win on the road of the season. Connacht will be deeply disappointed to come away with nothing, with Pete Wilkins’ men paying the price for a slow start and inaccurate attacking performance. The home team only scored seven points on the night through Mack Hansen’s first-half try, converted by Jack Carty, while Eric O’Sullivan and Nick Timoney crossed either side of half-time for Ulster. The visitors looked hungrier throughout, with Timoney and James McNabney both outstanding in the Ulster back row.
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